Hindu, May 27, 2007
An independent and vocal media is one of the rare success stories of Afghanistan. A new bill and dwindling sponsorship, however, threaten its functioning and survival.
AUNOHITA MOJUMDAR
IN a post-conflict situation where reconstruction has been riddled with shortcomings, frustrations and bad policies, Afghanistan’s media is one of the rare success stories. Emerging as a vibrant independent voice, it has brought under scrutiny the performance of the government and the international community and is questioning entrenched interests. In the absence of a consolidated opposition (political parties were banned from the electoral contest during the parliamentary elections), the media often plays the role of a democratic opposition with some success.
However, the very strength of the media now seems to be the cause of its undoing, its critical voice discomfiting those in power. Whether it is the government which fears losing its credibility, the former warlords who would prefer no examination about the sources of their power or past deeds, the Taliban who hold sway in some districts of Southern Afghanistan or the international forces, none is very eager to be scrutinised. The result is increasing threats to the independence of the media at the very moment that they are consolidating the gains of the past five years.
Ominous signs
Ajmal Naqshbandi met a brutal end at the hands of the Taliban who have also arrested several groups of journalists simply for the crime of having “entered their territory” without permission. On the other hand are journalists jailed regularly by the government or media, organisations raided as the country’s largest TV channel Tolo was, recently, for a report which “could be seen as ill-intentioned” and “can lead to various interpretations and cause unnecessary public anguish”. The international security forces strictly control access to information and have, on occasion, detained journalists or seized their materials. Now the country’s parliament is in the midst of debating a law that may further erode the rights of the Afghan media.
Specific clauses in the bill which have caused consternation amongst Afghan journalists include provisions to bring media content directly under the scrutiny of a council appointed and staffed by government officials and bringing all complaints against the media before the courts, the latter a conservative bastion in Afghanistan. There are other clauses restricting content on grounds of culture, tradition and religious sensitivities and the catch-all provision of national interest. While seemingly non-objectionable, these clauses are so wide-ranging that they are open to misuse by those wishing to censor media content for any reason.
In a situation of conflict, facts, for example, are always contentious and the media currently balances the contending versions of the truth. However, if the definition of facts is to be determined by the government, it would result in censorship of all news contrary to government claims whether it emanated from human rights groups, civil society or the Taliban.
Another setback
The new law may also reverse attempts to make the State broadcaster, Radio Television Afghanistan(RTA) into a public service broadcaster. Though taken outside the purview of the Ministry of Information, RTA will be under the control of the government, through a structure that is yet to be determined. The Minister of Information and Culture, Abdul Karim Khurram, says the government cannot afford not to control the RTA in a country at war.
In the absence of a viable opposition, the media has battled alone but vociferously to temper some of the provisions of the new law, with some success. Media conferences and articles and rigorous lobbying by Afghan journalists has alerted parliamentarians to the dangers of a government controlled media and widened the debate.
Unfortunately, the domination of the media by the West or countries from the North in general exacerbates the threat to the media. Within Afghanistan, those wishing to curb media freedoms, whether in the name of social order, national unity, security or traditional and religious values, project media independence as a “Western” or alien value, feeding on the anti-foreigner (read anti-Westerner) hostility endemic to Afghanistan. The lack of engagement of South Asia in this debate has not helped.
Financial support
South Asian media organisations could also help financially by using content generated by Afghan media. This would help substantially in supporting media independence, especially at a time when rapid withdrawal of donor funding has left many news organisations teetering on the edge of survival.
While donors rushed in with funding to set up private independent media in 2003 and 2004, seeing it as an essential component of rebuilding democracy, the financial support is drying up. Donors argue that it is time for market forces to determine the survival of media even though it is clear that the non-existent market in Afghanistan can scarcely support multiple media organisations. Those who are surviving on the market are doing so with an overwhelming portion of entertainment content, usually culled from India and elsewhere. This too may be jeopardised. The Information Minister is keen to slap a ceiling on the use of foreign content in Afghan media even though indigenous production of media content is at an early stage.
The greater threat
The financial crunch has resulted in some media outlets closing down while others are downsizing. An even greater threat lies in the fact that yet others may turn to dubious sources of funding to survive. In a conflict situation where differing sides are carrying out propaganda wars, any vulnerability in the media is likely to be seized upon.
Unlike other countries where a robust tradition of independent media helps the media to tide over difficult periods, Afghanistan’s new media may lack the resilience to survive these times. Once the media loses its independence, it may be very difficult to regain it.
May 31, 2007
Afghanistan: Trouble on the farm
Asia Times
By Aunohita Mojumdar KABUL -
Former Afghan warlords and commanders are becoming increasingly adept at fighting their battles in Parliament, with the latest example of their muscle-flexing coming on Monday when firebrand female parliamentarian Malalai Joya was suspended from the Lower House. Joya had compared her fellow, overwhelmingly male, colleagues to farmyard animals. The incident underlines a growing conflict of interests among Parliament, the government and the international community. The contradiction first came to light during the infamous "amnesty
vote" in February when members tried to give themselves immunity from prosecution for any crimes committed during the past 25 years of war. Former communists, mujahideen and Taliban united on this issue. The international community expressed concern over this apparent subversion of the process of transitional justice, resulting in a fierce war of words. The standoff was resolved after President Hamid Karzai signed off on a law that seemed to include a clause to satisfy every need. One clause, Article 3, grants immunity from prosecution, while another clause gives individuals the right to pursue justice over individual crimes. At best the law can be termed ambiguous, a factor that is likely to favor the status quo rather than any pursuit of prosecution of war crimes. However, the United Nations' top representative in the country, Tom Koenigs, claims the law has strengthened the rights of the individual, adding that he has been assured by Karzai that the law does not preempt the state's right to prosecute. Since then, the issue of the extent of Parliament's power and its possible misuse has only grown more acute. Having installed a Parliament in a tearing hurry in 2005, both the government and the international community are now faced with considerable challenges as Parliament comes up with laws and decisions that would be considered incongruous in a liberal democratic framework. Both the US-backed government in Kabul and the international community pushed for the formation of Parliament in 2005 even though few of the conditions that had led to the postponement of elections in 2004 had changed. Elections took place in an environment vitiated by the failure of the disarmament process. The multi-seat single non-transferable vote system used in the elections beggared belief, as did the ban on political parties from contesting in the elections. The situation was compounded by an evidently faulty vetting process. The composition of Parliament therefore falls short of what its backers would have liked. The House of Representatives (Wolesi Jirga - Lower House) is dominated by a minority comprising former commanders and warlords and those who have other sources of wealth and power. This group is taking advantage to push its agenda, helped by a power vacuum in the country created by Karzai's lack of writ beyond the capital, the absence of political parties, and the lack of established parliamentary procedures. This month, the Meshrano Jirga, or Upper House, passed a bill calling for talks with indigenous Taliban, a cessation of operations by international troops, a date for their withdrawal, and the request that these troops operate only when necessary and with the approval of the government. But whether the Upper House can initiate a bill is still to be clarified. If it can, it could render anti-insurgency operations untenable, requiring a complete rewiring of the military strategy of the foreign forces as well as the chain of command. The international community, especially the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the US-led coalition forces, are counting on Karzai to bail them out. The president's assent is required on all laws passed by Parliament, though his power of veto is limited. If Parliament disagrees with him, it can overrule the president with a two-thirds majority, something that obviously tempers the president's willingness or ability to counter some of the illiberal moves. There was considerable international dismay this month over the "dismissal" of two ministers - the minister of refugees and the minister of foreign affairs, apparently on the grounds of their failure to deal with the problem of returnees and refugees being pushed out by Iran and Pakistan. While Karzai challenged the procedure of a no-confidence vote against Foreign Minister Rangin Dadfar Spanta, (while accepting the no-confidence move against Minister of Refugees Mohammed Akbar), the UN questioned Parliament's authority to dismiss the ministers altogether. It said the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan's view "is that the constitution provides for votes of censure of confidence in ministers, but does not expressly give Parliament the right to dismiss ministers". A senior parliamentary official, however, reacted to this statement with anger, saying such observations on the part of the UN amounted to "interference in the country's internal affairs". The official cited Article 92 of the constitution, which allows a vote of no confidence to be passed against any minister by a simple majority of the House. "No confidence means removal of the minister," he insisted. In this case the UN did attempt to interpret the constitution, despite saying that this was the prerogative of the Supreme Court, to which Karzai has referred the issue. A number of countries take particular interest in Afghanistan because they are helping pay for its reconstruction, whether it is physical infrastructure or the institutions of state, such as law and justice and their delivery mechanisms. There is, though, a fine line between aid and interference. Countries are also selective about when they pitch in. They are assertive on issues relating to the rule of law and almost the sole decision-makers in terms of military operations. However, they are quite happy to pipe down on issues relating to gender on the grounds that they do not want to interfere with the cultural traditions of the country. Long before the amnesty bill, parliamentarians attempted to pass laws that would lower the age of consent of girls to 13 years and make it mandatory for all female parliamentarians to be "escorted" by mehrams (male family members) while traveling both within and outside Afghanistan. There was also a concerted bid to abolish the Ministry of Women's Affairs, on the grounds that it had not achieved anything concrete, notwithstanding that it had been deliberately kept weak by making it a policymaking body without any implementing powers. No one is convinced that these moves have seen their last. Harsh words Malalai Joya, 29, who is from Farah province, angered her colleagues when she spoke in a television interview of the "farmyard" nature of Parliament. She added that at least cows were useful as they provided milk. Joya has been a consistent critic of warlords and those accused of war crimes being allowed in Parliament. In 2004, when she challenged their presence in the council established to write a constitution, she received death threats - she now has around-the-clock security. Her outspoken speeches have made her a target for verbal abuse, even while her courage and work for the destitute and women in general have made her extremely popular in her own constituency. She was returned to Parliament with one of the highest numbers of votes, competing against men on her own right rather than entering Parliament as a beneficiary of the reserved seats for women. Joya's outspokenness brought her into Parliament, the same trait that now seems to have had her removed from the House. In the broader picture, if Parliament continues to assert its supremacy at the behest of the "warlord clique", the country could face a political "insurgency" to go with the military one led by the Taliban.
Aunohita Mojumdar is an Indian journalist who is currently based in Kabul. She has reported on the South Asian region for 16 years and has covered the Kashmir conflict and post-conflict situation in Punjab extensively. (Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
By Aunohita Mojumdar KABUL -
Former Afghan warlords and commanders are becoming increasingly adept at fighting their battles in Parliament, with the latest example of their muscle-flexing coming on Monday when firebrand female parliamentarian Malalai Joya was suspended from the Lower House. Joya had compared her fellow, overwhelmingly male, colleagues to farmyard animals. The incident underlines a growing conflict of interests among Parliament, the government and the international community. The contradiction first came to light during the infamous "amnesty
vote" in February when members tried to give themselves immunity from prosecution for any crimes committed during the past 25 years of war. Former communists, mujahideen and Taliban united on this issue. The international community expressed concern over this apparent subversion of the process of transitional justice, resulting in a fierce war of words. The standoff was resolved after President Hamid Karzai signed off on a law that seemed to include a clause to satisfy every need. One clause, Article 3, grants immunity from prosecution, while another clause gives individuals the right to pursue justice over individual crimes. At best the law can be termed ambiguous, a factor that is likely to favor the status quo rather than any pursuit of prosecution of war crimes. However, the United Nations' top representative in the country, Tom Koenigs, claims the law has strengthened the rights of the individual, adding that he has been assured by Karzai that the law does not preempt the state's right to prosecute. Since then, the issue of the extent of Parliament's power and its possible misuse has only grown more acute. Having installed a Parliament in a tearing hurry in 2005, both the government and the international community are now faced with considerable challenges as Parliament comes up with laws and decisions that would be considered incongruous in a liberal democratic framework. Both the US-backed government in Kabul and the international community pushed for the formation of Parliament in 2005 even though few of the conditions that had led to the postponement of elections in 2004 had changed. Elections took place in an environment vitiated by the failure of the disarmament process. The multi-seat single non-transferable vote system used in the elections beggared belief, as did the ban on political parties from contesting in the elections. The situation was compounded by an evidently faulty vetting process. The composition of Parliament therefore falls short of what its backers would have liked. The House of Representatives (Wolesi Jirga - Lower House) is dominated by a minority comprising former commanders and warlords and those who have other sources of wealth and power. This group is taking advantage to push its agenda, helped by a power vacuum in the country created by Karzai's lack of writ beyond the capital, the absence of political parties, and the lack of established parliamentary procedures. This month, the Meshrano Jirga, or Upper House, passed a bill calling for talks with indigenous Taliban, a cessation of operations by international troops, a date for their withdrawal, and the request that these troops operate only when necessary and with the approval of the government. But whether the Upper House can initiate a bill is still to be clarified. If it can, it could render anti-insurgency operations untenable, requiring a complete rewiring of the military strategy of the foreign forces as well as the chain of command. The international community, especially the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the US-led coalition forces, are counting on Karzai to bail them out. The president's assent is required on all laws passed by Parliament, though his power of veto is limited. If Parliament disagrees with him, it can overrule the president with a two-thirds majority, something that obviously tempers the president's willingness or ability to counter some of the illiberal moves. There was considerable international dismay this month over the "dismissal" of two ministers - the minister of refugees and the minister of foreign affairs, apparently on the grounds of their failure to deal with the problem of returnees and refugees being pushed out by Iran and Pakistan. While Karzai challenged the procedure of a no-confidence vote against Foreign Minister Rangin Dadfar Spanta, (while accepting the no-confidence move against Minister of Refugees Mohammed Akbar), the UN questioned Parliament's authority to dismiss the ministers altogether. It said the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan's view "is that the constitution provides for votes of censure of confidence in ministers, but does not expressly give Parliament the right to dismiss ministers". A senior parliamentary official, however, reacted to this statement with anger, saying such observations on the part of the UN amounted to "interference in the country's internal affairs". The official cited Article 92 of the constitution, which allows a vote of no confidence to be passed against any minister by a simple majority of the House. "No confidence means removal of the minister," he insisted. In this case the UN did attempt to interpret the constitution, despite saying that this was the prerogative of the Supreme Court, to which Karzai has referred the issue. A number of countries take particular interest in Afghanistan because they are helping pay for its reconstruction, whether it is physical infrastructure or the institutions of state, such as law and justice and their delivery mechanisms. There is, though, a fine line between aid and interference. Countries are also selective about when they pitch in. They are assertive on issues relating to the rule of law and almost the sole decision-makers in terms of military operations. However, they are quite happy to pipe down on issues relating to gender on the grounds that they do not want to interfere with the cultural traditions of the country. Long before the amnesty bill, parliamentarians attempted to pass laws that would lower the age of consent of girls to 13 years and make it mandatory for all female parliamentarians to be "escorted" by mehrams (male family members) while traveling both within and outside Afghanistan. There was also a concerted bid to abolish the Ministry of Women's Affairs, on the grounds that it had not achieved anything concrete, notwithstanding that it had been deliberately kept weak by making it a policymaking body without any implementing powers. No one is convinced that these moves have seen their last. Harsh words Malalai Joya, 29, who is from Farah province, angered her colleagues when she spoke in a television interview of the "farmyard" nature of Parliament. She added that at least cows were useful as they provided milk. Joya has been a consistent critic of warlords and those accused of war crimes being allowed in Parliament. In 2004, when she challenged their presence in the council established to write a constitution, she received death threats - she now has around-the-clock security. Her outspoken speeches have made her a target for verbal abuse, even while her courage and work for the destitute and women in general have made her extremely popular in her own constituency. She was returned to Parliament with one of the highest numbers of votes, competing against men on her own right rather than entering Parliament as a beneficiary of the reserved seats for women. Joya's outspokenness brought her into Parliament, the same trait that now seems to have had her removed from the House. In the broader picture, if Parliament continues to assert its supremacy at the behest of the "warlord clique", the country could face a political "insurgency" to go with the military one led by the Taliban.
Aunohita Mojumdar is an Indian journalist who is currently based in Kabul. She has reported on the South Asian region for 16 years and has covered the Kashmir conflict and post-conflict situation in Punjab extensively. (Copyright 2007 Asia Times Online Ltd. All rights reserved. Please contact us about sales, syndication and republishing.)
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