Muted voices

Hindu, May 27, 2007

An independent and vocal media is one of the rare success stories of Afghanistan. A new bill and dwindling sponsorship, however, threaten its functioning and survival.

AUNOHITA MOJUMDAR

IN a post-conflict situation where reconstruction has been riddled with shortcomings, frustrations and bad policies, Afghanistan’s media is one of the rare success stories. Emerging as a vibrant independent voice, it has brought under scrutiny the performance of the government and the international community and is questioning entrenched interests. In the absence of a consolidated opposition (political parties were banned from the electoral contest during the parliamentary elections), the media often plays the role of a democratic opposition with some success.
However, the very strength of the media now seems to be the cause of its undoing, its critical voice discomfiting those in power. Whether it is the government which fears losing its credibility, the former warlords who would prefer no examination about the sources of their power or past deeds, the Taliban who hold sway in some districts of Southern Afghanistan or the international forces, none is very eager to be scrutinised. The result is increasing threats to the independence of the media at the very moment that they are consolidating the gains of the past five years.
Ominous signs
Ajmal Naqshbandi met a brutal end at the hands of the Taliban who have also arrested several groups of journalists simply for the crime of having “entered their territory” without permission. On the other hand are journalists jailed regularly by the government or media, organisations raided as the country’s largest TV channel Tolo was, recently, for a report which “could be seen as ill-intentioned” and “can lead to various interpretations and cause unnecessary public anguish”. The international security forces strictly control access to information and have, on occasion, detained journalists or seized their materials. Now the country’s parliament is in the midst of debating a law that may further erode the rights of the Afghan media.
Specific clauses in the bill which have caused consternation amongst Afghan journalists include provisions to bring media content directly under the scrutiny of a council appointed and staffed by government officials and bringing all complaints against the media before the courts, the latter a conservative bastion in Afghanistan. There are other clauses restricting content on grounds of culture, tradition and religious sensitivities and the catch-all provision of national interest. While seemingly non-objectionable, these clauses are so wide-ranging that they are open to misuse by those wishing to censor media content for any reason.
In a situation of conflict, facts, for example, are always contentious and the media currently balances the contending versions of the truth. However, if the definition of facts is to be determined by the government, it would result in censorship of all news contrary to government claims whether it emanated from human rights groups, civil society or the Taliban.
Another setback
The new law may also reverse attempts to make the State broadcaster, Radio Television Afghanistan(RTA) into a public service broadcaster. Though taken outside the purview of the Ministry of Information, RTA will be under the control of the government, through a structure that is yet to be determined. The Minister of Information and Culture, Abdul Karim Khurram, says the government cannot afford not to control the RTA in a country at war.
In the absence of a viable opposition, the media has battled alone but vociferously to temper some of the provisions of the new law, with some success. Media conferences and articles and rigorous lobbying by Afghan journalists has alerted parliamentarians to the dangers of a government controlled media and widened the debate.
Unfortunately, the domination of the media by the West or countries from the North in general exacerbates the threat to the media. Within Afghanistan, those wishing to curb media freedoms, whether in the name of social order, national unity, security or traditional and religious values, project media independence as a “Western” or alien value, feeding on the anti-foreigner (read anti-Westerner) hostility endemic to Afghanistan. The lack of engagement of South Asia in this debate has not helped.
Financial support
South Asian media organisations could also help financially by using content generated by Afghan media. This would help substantially in supporting media independence, especially at a time when rapid withdrawal of donor funding has left many news organisations teetering on the edge of survival.
While donors rushed in with funding to set up private independent media in 2003 and 2004, seeing it as an essential component of rebuilding democracy, the financial support is drying up. Donors argue that it is time for market forces to determine the survival of media even though it is clear that the non-existent market in Afghanistan can scarcely support multiple media organisations. Those who are surviving on the market are doing so with an overwhelming portion of entertainment content, usually culled from India and elsewhere. This too may be jeopardised. The Information Minister is keen to slap a ceiling on the use of foreign content in Afghan media even though indigenous production of media content is at an early stage.
The greater threat
The financial crunch has resulted in some media outlets closing down while others are downsizing. An even greater threat lies in the fact that yet others may turn to dubious sources of funding to survive. In a conflict situation where differing sides are carrying out propaganda wars, any vulnerability in the media is likely to be seized upon.
Unlike other countries where a robust tradition of independent media helps the media to tide over difficult periods, Afghanistan’s new media may lack the resilience to survive these times. Once the media loses its independence, it may be very difficult to regain it.